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Vidkun Quisling:
Norway and the Germanic task in Europe
September 25, 1942
A program speech on the occasion of the 8th Congress of the Nasjonal Samling in Pslo, 25-7 September 1942, at which the regime gave an account of its record of government since the transfer of power in 1940. The first part of the speech dealt with Norway’s role in Europe, while the second discussed internal problems of the party and of Norwegian politics.
(…) If Germany and her allies were to succumb to Bolshevism, no victory by the British and Americans over Germany could save Europe from being completely broken up, Bolshevized and destroyed. Whether Bolshevism or England is victorious, as far as human foresight goes the only result can be a final victory of Bolshevism in Europe, though it would come about differently in the two cases. Only a German victory can save Europe. (…)
This is not merely a war to break the power of Jewry and Bolshevism, capitalism and Communism. This struggle between two worlds has been deeper meaning: it is a fight for a new order in Europe and in the world.
About 400 years ago the unity of Europe and the civilized world of those days was broken up by the Reformation and what we call the modern age, with the emergence of strong, independent national states with their own characteristics.
Today we are certainly faced with the transition to a new age in which Europe is preparing itself for unity in the political, economic and military fields.
This development is nothing new. As with all profound historical processes, it had to begin with some unsuccessful attempts before finally achieving its aim.
Napoleon’s battles were an attempt of this kind, to create a united Europe that could stand up to England and Russia. The dancing Congress of Vienna with its ‘Holy Alliance’ was a much less successful counter-attempt to forge a different kind of European union.
Kaiser William II tried in vain to unite Germany, Russia and France in an alliance that would afterwards have been joined by the other continental powers.
A third failure was that of Briand in France to create a European alliance within the so-called League of Nations. We need waste no words on Coudenhove-Kalergi with his utopian ideas of Pan-Europe.
Today we are in a better situation, not only because the time is ripe to put an end to Britain’s traditional ‘divide and rule’ policy in our continent. Union has become an urgent necessity for all European peoples if they are not either to be overrun by Bolshevism and the ever-stronger Russian monster, or allow the new world and the Anglo-Saxons to condemn them to the fate that ancient Hellas suffered under Roman imperialism. (…)
What security is there now for future generations against this ceaselessly swelling tide of humanity, if the European states continue to play a lone hand, each for itself, or if they constantly form hostile groups and thus continue to be an easy prey to the Americans, Britons and Jews with their ‘divide and conquer’ policy of exploitation?
The situation today, when a strong and victorious Germany under a God-given statesman and leader, holding the necessary power in the European area, wields the combined force of the European peoples – this situation provides not only a unique opportunity but also probably the last chance to settle the fateful question whether Europe shall live or die.
If the European states do not take this opportunity to show skill, energy and mutual understanding in the creation of a new Europe, they will be confronting a dangerous future in between two monsters whose strength is increasing. (…)
If Europe is to maintain its place in the competition that will prevail after the war, it must unite and secure the necessary access to raw material from Africa and the East. In this National Socialist new order the whole economy must be welded into a unity in which money is not an end but a means: otherwise there will again be a danger of violation by capitalist usurers or by the class struggle and trade union domination.
These economic questions likewise cry out for solution on a European basis.
There is no opposition whatever between such European economic cooperation and National Socialism. This form of socialism aims to weld the whole economy of a country into a strong national economic unity, and once that is achieved there will be healthy and perfectly natural cooperation among the peoples of the European economic sphere.
We live in a historic age in which world powers have come into being a conflict with one another. Europe must summon up its forces and guard what it treasures, if it does not want to be torn to pieces in this conflict.
We must create a Europe that does not squander its blood and strength in internecine conflict, but forms a compact unity. In this way it will become richer, stronger and more civilized and will recover its old place in the world.
But the reorganization of Europe depends on creating a single European will, whose uniting force can only spring form a shared political philosophy, for this is the way in which historic peoples have almost always been held together. The philosophy that unites us in that of National Socialism and the new systems allied with it.
Again, Europe can only unite under the protection of a leading power, and this can only be the Great German Reich which lies at the center of Europe. As Piedmont once united Italy and Prussia the German Reich, so Germany must become the nucleus of the new order in Europe: it must drive England and Russia out of Europe in the same way as Piedmont drove out Austria. If Germany is to guarantee the unity and peace of Europe in the long term it must rely on the superior strength of a Germanic confederation, the form of which can serve as a model for cooperation with the other European states.
In this connection the following is especially important.
If Europe and especially the Germanic states are to stand up against Russia in the long run, that is if they are to retain any position at all, there must not only be a union but also active Germanic participation in a joint effort to clear and reorganize the Russian territories. Only the Germanic race can solve the Russian problem, but the task is so tremendous that it requires the cooperation of all Germanic peoples, not least those of Scandinavia, who founded the Russian state in the first place.
The lofty aim of reorganizing Europe can only be achieved by a steadfast union of Germanic peoples.
This is quiet natural in itself, for the Germanic peoples are the only ones in Europe who are akin to one another by blood and civilization. By virtue of their geographical position they are also the strongest and firmest bloc that can be formed in Europe. This, together with the German-Italian axis, is the only possible firm foundation on which the new Europe can be built.
Such a union would also strengthen Norway’s position in Europe and in the world and would afford our country the richest opportunities of using our skills and resources. The need to create such a Germanic community therefore answers to Norwegian interest as well as others. We must be good Norwegians, good members of the Germanic race and good Europeans. These things are not only compatible, but are essential conditions one of another. (…)
Some outlines of the new European community of peoples are coming into view. Europe today is an enlarged economic sphere in which planning principles are largely applied both to the war economy and to civilian supplies. The European forces fighting against the Bolsheviks in Russia and the Caucasus and against the British in North Africa are to a substantial extent under joint command.
In the same way we have recently seen the young people of Europe, who are Europe’s future, joining to form a European Youth League in which fourteen countries are represented. Earlier still, a European press union was formed. Other associations of this kind are already projected, including a European sports association, a postal and telegraphic union and so on.
Thus the new Europe is already taking shape. But no one can say anything about its final form as long as the war still rages unabated. The same is true of the Germanic confederation, which is developing slowly but inevitably from the National Socialist movements of the different Germanic countries. (…)
In due course the Germanic union will be a fact, and then Norway will take its free and honorable place in the new Europe. Moreover, many circumstances combine to make our country an especially valuable member of the new Europe and an important force in developing Germanic cooperation. Germany, the leading power in the reconstruction of Europe, shares this view, and it is therefore all the more incumbent on the Nasjonal Samling to educate the Norwegian people to take a conscious, active part in furthering the new community of nations and especially of the Germanic peoples. (…)
In this fashion Norway will not only become great and free but will provide the firm axis for a Germanic union in the new Europe to which the other Germanic states of the North can attach themselves if they so desire. That is our path leading to Nordic cooperation, a secure position for Norway and the protection of its opportunities for development. (…)
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